Iran entered the final days of 2025 amid protests that initially emerged around economic demands. What began with the reaction of shopkeepers in Tehran’s Grand Bazaar quickly spread across the country, evolving into calls for democracy, freedom, and regime change. These demands have been reflected in slogans such as “Death to the dictator,” “Khamenei is not my leader,” “Azadi, azadi, azadi,” and “Jin, jiyan, azadi.” As in the past, the regime’s response has been violent repression. It is reported that nearly 100 people have been killed, hundreds injured, and thousands detained or arrested as the demonstrations grew more widespread in response to state violence.

 

Iranian journalist Mehdi Dehdavi, who has been closely following developments, spoke to Mezopotamya Agency (MA). Stressing that the protests cannot be reduced to an economic crisis alone, Dehnavi said Iran is facing multiple overlapping crises and even “mega-crises.”

 

He said: “The government in Iran is facing multiple crises and mega-crises. Different nationalities have structural problems with the way the country is governed.Women face their own problems due to gender discrimination; unofficial religions and even Sunni Muslims have problems with the government. The economic situation is critical and acts as the driving force behind protests, and the government is incapable of improving these conditions. Therefore, every few years the country experiences serious protests.”

 

‘PEOPLE IN IRAN ARE TIRED’

 

Noting that the economy is extremely fragile and a major driver of the protests, Dehnavi said the government lacks the capacity to improve conditions, which is why Iran witnesses major uprisings every few years. “People in Iran are tired of years of the government’s adventurism, interference in neighboring countries’ affairs, regional ambitions, and similar policies. For decades, they tried to reform these approaches, but each time the government deceived them with the puppet show of elections. Now people are demanding a fundamental change in the foundations of governance,” Dehnavi said. 

 

THE SITUATION OF KURDS AND BALOCHS

 

Dehnavi emphasized that Kurds and Balochs have been at the forefront of the protests with democratic demands, noting that both peoples have been subjected to continuous structural discrimination since before the establishment of the Islamic Republic.

 

He said: “These two nations have experienced structural discrimination whose roots even predate the Islamic Republic. They have almost always had less to lose than the rest of Iran. Their regions have been heavily securitized, and for this reason governments have acted far more violently and lethally in suppressing protests there. Extrajudicial actions after crackdowns, including arrests and executions, have also been far more severe compared to other regions of Iran.”

 

‘KURDS WERE LEFT ALONE ON THE FRONT LINE’

 

Recalling that seven Kurdish parties, initially left isolated during the “Jin, jiyan, azadi” protests sparked by the killing of Jina Amini, later issued a joint position statement once the direction of events became clearer, Dehnavi said Kurds were effectively abandoned on the front lines.

 

“Because they were almost left alone on the front lines during the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadi” protests, this time they should not sacrifice themselves for the center. There were many calls, including from myself, for Kurdistan not to participate in the protests until we could be sure that, as in the previous period, Kurdistan would not once again become cannon fodder and a sacrifice for the center,” he said. 

 

Dehnavi added that Kurdish parties later made a strategic move by calling only for a general strike, noting that protests in Kurdish regions along the Zagros line are suppressed far more brutally than those in central Iran.

 

‘THE REGIME HAS LOST ITS CAPACITY FOR BRUTAL REPRESSION’

 

Dehnavi said Iran now faces two paths: either violently suppressing the protests or moving toward democratization. However, he argued that the regime has lost the brutal repression capacity it once relied on. He stressed: “Partly due to severe economic pressure even on the repression apparatus, because the regime’s military forces hear their own demands echoed by protesters and are less willing to kill demonstrators than before, which is a sign of defection within the repression apparatus.”

 

He also cited external factors, including the consequences of a recent 12-day war, former US President Donald Trump’s open support for protesters, and warnings to Ali Khamenei and the Iranian government against killing demonstrators. Dehdavi added that Israel’s close monitoring of developments in Iran following what he described as a highly successful military and intelligence campaign has pushed Iran’s leadership into a defensive posture. He also referenced the US operation in Caracas and the nighttime detention of Venezuela’s president as further contributing factors.

 

A PHILOSOPHY OF RESISTANCE IN ROJHILAT

 

Reflecting on the trajectory of protests in Rojhilat, Dehdavi highlighted what he called the region’s deep-rooted capacity to generate meaning and symbols of resistance.

 

Dehdavi said: “During and in the years following the 1979 revolution, Kurdish cities created remarkable symbols of resistance, such as the people of Marivan marching and emptying the city, the resistance of Sanandaj, or the boycott of Islamic Republic elections. During the ‘Woman, Life, Freedom’ uprising, Saqqez as the starting point of the uprising, Oshnavieh falling into protesters’ hands, and Javanrud with its historic resistance created meaning and symbols for the movement..”

 

He added: “In the current uprising, Malakshahi and Abadanan are playing a similar role—phenomena that are seen far less in central Iran and other parts of the country (except Baluchistan). These cannot be accidental. The philosophy of resistance and continuity is deeply rooted in every fiber of Iranian Kurdistan, and in my view, its flames will never subside until the goal is reached.”

 

‘THE SOLUTION IS A FEDERAL SYSTEM’

 

Pointing to Iran’s multi-ethnic and multi-religious structure, Dehdavi argued that democracy alone would not resolve the country’s problems: “Iran is a multi-national country. On paper, democracy is the best way to govern Iran, but democracy there has its own sensitivities and considerations. Ethnic groups must be protected; their languages, cultures, and customs must be safeguarded. These cannot be guaranteed solely through a majority-vote-based democracy.”

 

He added: “Therefore, the form of governance is extremely important, and I personally believe a parliamentary federal system could guarantee the rights of all corners of the country. However, at present, some political groups—both supporters and opponents of the current regime—not only strongly oppose federalism but also propose a political system that is not even democratic. Thus, at least for now, a clear horizon for Iran’s democratization cannot be envisioned.”

 

DEMAND FOR AUTONOMY

 

Dehnavi concluded by saying that Kurds in Rojhilat should continue to insist on autonomous governance, a demand they have raised for decades. 

“What seems to be the most rational path for Kurds is to pursue what they sought even before the Islamic Republic: democracy for Iran, and autonomy or even federalism for Kurdistan,” he said. “Reports have emerged about sending a delegation from Tehran to the region, but it should be understood that these actions are very superficial and lack any real function, and they will not affect people’s mindset regarding creating change in a broader sense.”

 

MA / Berivan Kutlu